Europe’s austerity, the beginning of the end?

 

by MARIO PIANTA 29 April 2013
at http://www.opendemocracy.net
Europe is increasingly unpopular, the recession hits the euro area and Angela Merkel is now facing a new populist party. So Brussels opens up to a timid change of season. But austerity has not yet been defeated politically, in elections and in the streets.

The first news comes from Eurobarometer: in November 2012 the percentage of those who tend “not to trust” Europe is 56% in France, 59% in Germany, 69% in the UK, 53% in Italy – almost doubled compared to 2007, and three times higher in Spain where it reaches 72%.

The second news come from the IMF: in 2013 the euro area will be in recession: minus 0,3%, after a fall that in 2012 was twice as much. While all eyes are on the difficult making of the new Italian government, the third news comes from Berlin: in the next elections in September 2013 a new political force will appear, Alternative für Deutschland, populist and anti-Europe, demanding a return to national currencies. It may not pass the 5% threshold for representation in Parliament, but it will take votes away from the ruling coalition; chancellor Angela Merkel is now likely to lose more from a continuation of the austerity orthodoxy – now hitting the German economy too – rather than from easing up on spending cuts. Read the rest of this entry »


To be or not to be in the EU: is that the question?

 

Citizens’ consultation to shape an EU of democracy, fundamental rights and participation

8 May 2013, 5:30 – 8:30 pm

Europe House, 32 Smith Square, SW1P EU London

Moderated by: the AIRE Centre, Migrants’ Rights Network, Demos, Electoral Reform Society, Participedia, European Alternatives, OneEurope, the Churchill Group…

 

Many people agree the EU needs to change: but there are changes for the better and changes for the worse. The UK government’s position regarding the EU is to promote an EU based only on a single market – to continue the opt-out of the EU charter of fundamental rights and to opt out of the European Convention on human rights, to impose barriers to the free movement of people from other parts of Europe to the UK, to try to negotiate out of all social legislation coming from the EU. Is there another option available? Can we engage positively for an EU which better protects and promotes fundamental rights? Can we promote an EU which is more democratic and based on bottom-up participation? Can we make an EU which gives more progressive rights to workers, families and citizens in the context of economic and social crisis?

The citizens’ consultation organised in London on May 8th 2013 will try and address these questions by giving citizens’ a say on what the European Union should look like and engage them in elaborating their vision for an EU of  democracy, fundamental rights and participation. Participants will join hundreds of others who have already taken part in similar consultations all over Europe in the past three years to elaborate concrete proposals for the EU, which will be brought together in a Europe-wide Citizens’ Manifesto.

For more information and the full program please see our webpage here.

Registration for this event is required: please email e.dalibot@euroalter.com or register online. European Alternatives can guarantee a number of travel bursaries, covering 50% of travel and accommodation costs from anyone travelling from anywhere in the EU: for more information and to apply, please email e.dalibot@euroalter.com.

 

 


The 6th Subversive Festival: The Utopia of Democracy

  • The 6th Subversive Festival: The Utopia of Democracy

Initiative for Democracy in Greece: Threats to democracy in Greece

 

published at the The Guardian 19/3/13

The crisis in Greece is posing serious threats to democracy and human rights (Report, 15 March). We are particularly concerned about the rise of fascism and racism. The government continues to tolerate the violence and hate speech of the neo-Nazi party Golden Dawn. Golden Dawn MPs attack democracy and display symbols of the military junta of 1967-1974; the party recruits supporters unopposed by the authorities, including schoolchildren. Members of the Greek police engage in violence against immigrants and protesters but have not been brought to account, despite calls from Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International and UNHCR.

Refugees and migrants face attacks from supporters of far-right groups; the Council of Europe‘s commissioner for human rights recently called such violence “a real threat to democracy”. European and constitutional law is persistently violated. Legislation is introduced through presidential and ministerial decrees, abandoning parliamentary accountability. Independent journalists are censored. We are deeply concerned that fundamental rights and freedoms for which the Greek people have fought for decades are being undermined.
George Bizos, Jon Cruddas MP, Prof Costas Douzinas, Maria Margaronis, Prof Peter Mackridge, Prof Donald Sassoon, Gillian Slovo and 837 others. Full list atwww.thepetitionsite.com/375/381/293/initiative-for-democracy-in-greece/

• It was the Cypriot government – not the EU or the IMF – which insisted that small depositors be levied to save the banking system. Cyprus has been acting as the clearing house for Russian oligarchs for years. It was this group that the EU and IMF sought to target against fierce resistance from the Cypriot president. The real villains is the Cypriot government, which is hell-bent on protecting Russian tax cheats at the expense of their own citizens.
Andrew Byrne
Doctoral researcher in EU Politics, University of Edinburgh

http://www.thepetitionsite.com/375/381/293/initiative-for-democracy-in-greece/

  A small group of us in London, Greeks of varied affiliations and political persuasions, have come together because we are very concerned about the rise of fascism, racism and the erosion of democracy and civil rights in Greece. Our aim is to raise awareness of the problem internationally, in the hope that this might help to put pressure on Greek politicians to address these issues. We have drafted a statement which we plan to send as an open letter to selected publications, initially in Britain but later also in Greece and the United States. We hope to collect as many signatures as we can from people with a personal or professional interest in Greece and/or human rights and civil liberties. We would be very grateful if you would sign the statement, adding your position/affiliation in the comment box if you feel you can do so, and also forward it to others who might be interested.  Read the rest of this entry »


Selective zero-tolerance: is Greece really a democracy anymore?

The abuse suffered by four young anarchists, arrested for a bank robbery, at the hands of the police proves it’s time to call Greece’s coalition government what it is – a far-right authoritarian group.

BY YIANNIS BABOULIAS PUBLISHED 05 FEBRUARY 2013 at Newstatesman.com


Members of the Greek ultra-nationalist Golden Dawn party wave Greek flags
Members of the Greek ultra-nationalist Golden Dawn party wave Greek national flags during a gathering of Greek nationalists in central Athens on 2 February 2013. Photograph: Getty Images

Earlier this year, the Greek Minister of Citizen Protection declared he would take up initiatives to restore law and order in the capital of the crisis-stricken country. Nikos Dendias spearheads an attempt by the coalition government produced in last June’s elections to show that while the public coffers are empty and people are seeing their quality of life reduced to shambles, the state is present and it can still provide them with a sense of safety at the very least. Xenios Zeus was one of those initiatives, a crackdown on “illegal immigrants”, its failure (from 73,100 people arrested, only 4,352 were charged with anything) a big problem for the government. The coalition is also now dealing with accusations of tolerating an increasingly authoritarian police force that is torturing people and colluding with the neo-Nazi Golden Dawn, alongside the Lagarde list scandal taking its toll and two very difficult parliamentary votes looming. The first is a new tax code that will find manyGreeks unable to pay their tax bills in 2013 and the second an investigation into the names included in the Lagarde list (the list of around 2,000 potential Greek tax evaders with undeclared Swiss HSBC accounts passed to the Greek government by Christine Lagarde in 2010), with at least two senior members of the government involved in an attempt to bury the files before they were published three months ago.

Since the crackdown on immigration didn’t work as the ministry had expected, their next move was to attack occupations and spaces associated with the anarchist movement. This should not come as a surprise since it is exactly these political spaces that have moved to organise in many neighborhoods and stand against the neo-Nazi gangs now roaming the streets of Athens, often with very high cost. But the manner in which this agenda is pursued has revealed something more: this government now sees the anarchists, as well as SYRIZA, as its opponent on the political stage. By cracking down on squats like that of Villa Amalias a month ago, the government is doing a favour for the Golden Dawn thugs who attack people openly with no repercussions – it was squats like that which traditionally stood as an obstacle to the ever expanding activities of the neo-Nazis and which as many locals have stated, helped keep the area around it safe. The spin is to baptise anarchists as the tools of SYRIZA, terrorists who enjoy the support they get from the opposition party. They have gone on the record with this many times.

But it’s the arrest of four young anarchists (aged between 20 and 25) this weekend after a failed bank robbery that brings back the political nature of Dendias’ agenda and of the police’s fascist tendencies. Two of them already wanted as suspects in the “conspiracy of the cells of fire” terrorist group, they were arrested in Kozani after trying to flee the bank while chased by the police. Witnesses of the incident claim that when they realised they couldn’t get away, they exited the car and surrendered peacefully. However, the pictures published by the police show them to have been extensively abused, their faces swollen to the point where the mother of one didn’t recognise her son when she was allowed to see him. His own testimony leaves no doubt as to what transpired. He claims they were fitted with hoods, tied up and beaten for hours after their arrest. That the police tried to crudely photoshop the bruises “to make them recognisable” as Dendias himself stated points to the extent of the abuse. The use of torture is straightforwardly forbidden by the Greek constitution and violates human rights, while reminding the Greeks of the Colonel’s Junta and their systematic torture of dissidents.

A video showing the four being transferred leaves no doubt as to their political alignment. In front of the cameras, they shouted defiance at a country that has pushed its youth to extremes with the apathy that now runs deep in our lives, making us afraid of losing the few things we have left. “We only lost a battle, not the war” and “Long live anarchy”, they shouted, not to the cameras, but to the faces of those who stand by idle. Dendias didn’t even bother to launch an inquiry into the conditions under which they were tortured despite stating that “there is no desire to cover up anyone or anything”. Prime ministerial advistor Failos Kranidiotis, in an exchange we had on Twitter, sided with the police and spoke of injuries that were caused during the arrest, despite the absence of evidence backing his claims. How could anyone disarm a “terrorist armed like a lobster” with his punches? That is his claim and that of Dendias. He said “the monopoly of violence belongs to the state” and spends more time being sarcastic towards journalists who called him out on his statements than actually providing a factual basis for them. The New Democracy government is trying to condemn an entire ideology and along with it, all righteous outrage.

But this is the sort of policy line the government currently walks. Thin on arguments, strong on propaganda, full of venom and revenge against all those who oppose their totalitarian plans in any way. That the four kids were arrested for armed robbery does not justify torture, because that only brings us one step away from legitimising the torturing of the fifteen anti-fascists last October. All this wears only one colour, and it’s the colour of hate against those who will not stand for members of far-right groups and think-tanks (as Dendias and Kranidiotis were in the Nineties) to crack down on their lives and their dreams.

One of the four arrestees was a friend and present in the murder of Alexis Grigoropoulos by a police officer in 2008, which sparked two weeks of unrest in the Greek capital. That we already see a revisionist line in operation in the mainstream media that suggests Grigoropoulos would become a terrorist himself is indicative of the intentions of this government. It is our duty and Europe’s to expose and stop co-operating with those who won’t hesitate to ignore human rights, refuse to reform a clearly fascist police force, and who don’t see racist motives when supporters of the Golden Dawn murder immigrants in the street. It is time to ask for the resignation of Nikos Dendias and any like-minded cabinet members. If we don’t want to see more kids boiling with anger, taking up arms against a system intent on turning them into drones working for scraps, torturing them when they refuse to conform, then it is time to speak out and call this government what it is: a far-right authoritarian group, dressed in a thin-veil of pro-European liberalism. Refusing to recognise them as anything but that is now an obligation for each and every one of us.


Democracy, Distrust and the Right to Resist, Today.

21 January 2013

By 

Demo­cracy means dis­sent, dis­trust and resistance

Accord­ing to clas­sical the­ory, the roots of demo­cracy are in con­sensus. The truth, how­ever, is quite the oppos­ite. Exper­i­ence has shown us that the key to demo­cracy lays else­where; in the capa­city to accept and even guar­an­tee dis­sent and cri­ti­cism of the estab­lished powers, with res­ist­ance to these powers play­ing an even more import­ant role. Although trust is a vital com­pon­ent of demo­cracy, dis­trust and main­tain­ing a per­man­ently crit­ical atti­tude towards the exe­cu­tion of power are even more essen­tial. The way in which this power is exer­cised must be con­trolled if we hope to pre­serve any essence of the notion of power to the people. A ser­i­ous look at the crit­ical evid­ence leaves us in no doubt that this is the case, as we take into account the con­flict­ing and plur­al­istic nature of any kind of social real­ity. The only chance that demo­cracy has to flour­ish is if the vast range of con­flict­ing interests and needs are acknow­ledged and ways are found to respect these as far as possible.

In order to nego­ti­ate the recog­ni­tion of these interests and needs and respect them accord­ingly, the pub­lic pres­ence of each and every citizen’s voice must be amp­li­fied to the max­imum. In his Polit­ical Treat­ise (Tractatus Polit­i­cus)(chapter V, para­graph 4), Spinoza demon­strated that the key to assess­ing the qual­ity of gov­ernance is a crit­ic­ally engaged, act­ive soci­ety con­scious of its sov­er­eignty: “Besides that com­mon­wealth, whose peace depends on the slug­gish­ness of its sub­jects, that are led about like sheep, to learn but slavery, may more prop­erly be called a desert than a com­mon­wealth.“1 But this dis­trust works both ways. As J. Ran­cière explains, the his­tory of demo­cracy can be explained as a his­tory of hatred towards the very mean­ing of the concept;2the power of the people as a sov­er­eign author­ity, the power of equals, those upon whom iura paria has been bestowed (to use the words of Cicero on the sub­ject of his notion of res pub­lica). Read the rest of this entry »


Greece’s Rotten Oligarchy

By KOSTAS VAXEVANIS

published at New York Times , January 6, 2013

The New York Times

 

 

DEMOCRACY is like a bicycle: if you don’t keep pedaling, you fall. Unfortunately, the bicycle of Greek democracy has long been broken. After the military junta collapsed in 1974, Greece created only a hybrid, diluted form of democracy. You can vote, belong to a party and protest. In essence, however, a small clique exercises all meaningful political power.

For all that has been said about the Greek crisis, much has been left unsaid. The crisis has become a battleground of interests and ideologies. At stake is the role of the public sector and the welfare state. Yes, in Greece we have a dysfunctional public sector; for the past 40 years the ruling parties handed out government jobs to their supporters, regardless of their qualifications.

But the real problem with the public sector is the tiny elite of business people who live off the Greek state while passing themselves off as “entrepreneurs.” They bribe politicians to get fat government contracts, usually at inflated prices. They also own many of the country’s media outlets, and thus manage to ensure that their actions are clothed in silence. Sometimes they’ll even buy a soccer team in order to drum up popular support and shield their crimes behind popular protection, as the drug lord Pablo Escobar did in Colombia, and as the paramilitary leader Arkan did in Serbia.

In 2011, Evangelos Venizelos, who was then the finance minister and is now the leader of the socialist party, Pasok, instituted a new property-tax law. But for properties larger than 2,000 square meters — about 21,000 square feet — the tax was reduced by 60 percent. Mr. Venizelos thus carved out a big exemption for the only people who could afford to pay the tax: the rich. (Mr. Venizelos is also the man responsible for a law granting broad immunity to government ministers.)

Such shenanigans have gone on for decades. The public is deprived of real information, as television stations, newspapers and online news sites are controlled by the economic and political elite. Read the rest of this entry »


Against all odds: Democracy vs technocrats in Greece

By Mathaios Tsimitakis

Originally posted at Aljazeera.com, 15 Jun 2012

It’s just a few days before the Greek parliamentary elections, and the whole world is watching this small corner of Europe with bated breath. Stress captures the markets, Brussels, and Berlin as statements by top European officials indicate the possibility of an undesirable political outcome on Sunday.

One after the other, politicians such as Portuguese Prime Minister Jose Manuel Barroso and technocrats such as IMF head Christine Lagarde underline the need for Greece to comply with the bailout programme or face the consequences of a possible cancellation of the financial support, something that could result in a Greek exit from the eurozone.

However, the Greek elections’ outcome is not the most important issue at stake. At the moment, a coalition government seems to be the more likely scenario, whether conservative New Democracy or progressive Syriza finishes first. Any coalition is by its very nature an affair of compromises – therefore, no matter how hard the lines of the political parties, the next Greek government will probably be a little more moderate. And even if Syriza manages to form a government of its own, it has repeatedly stated that it will seek for solutions in the European context. Read the rest of this entry »


Egypt’s elections under military rule: Join our resistance to the counter-revolution

To you at whose side we struggle,

From the beginning of the Egyptian revolution, the powers that be have launched a vicious counter-revolution to contain our struggle and subsume it by drowning the people’s voices in a process of meaningless, piecemeal political reforms. This process aimed at deflecting the path of revolution and the Egyptian people’s demands for “bread, freedom and social justice.”

Only 18 days into our revolution, and since we forced Mubarak out of power, the discourse of the political classes and the infrastructure of the elites, including both state and private media, continues to privilege discussions of rotating Ministers, cabinet reshuffles, referendums, committees, constitutions and most glaringly, parliamentary and now presidential elections. Our choice from the very beginning was to reject in their entirety the regime’s attempts to drag the people’s revolution into a farcical dialogue with the counter-revolution shrouded in the discourse of a “democratic process” which neither promotes the demands of the revolution nor represents any substantial, real democracy. Read the rest of this entry »


THE CRISES OF DEMOCRATIC CAPITALISM

New Left Review 71, September-October 2011

by WOLFGANG STREECK originally published at New Left Review

The collapse of the American financial system that occurred in 2008 has since turned into an economic and political crisis of global dimensions. [1] How should this world-shaking event be conceptualized? Mainstream economics has tended to conceive society as governed by a general tendency toward equilibrium, where crises and change are no more than temporary deviations from the steady state of a normally well-integrated system. A sociologist, however, is under no such compunction. Rather than construe our present affliction as a one-off disturbance to a fundamental condition of stability, I will consider the ‘Great Recession’ [2] and the subsequent near-collapse of public finances as a manifestation of a basic underlying tension in the political-economic configuration of advanced-capitalist societies; a tension which makes disequilibrium and instability the rule rather than the exception, and which has found expression in a historical succession of disturbances within the socio-economic order. More specifically, I will argue that the present crisis can only be fully understood in terms of the ongoing, inherently conflictual transformation of the social formation we call ‘democratic capitalism’. Read the rest of this entry »


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