“London against Troika”

https://www.facebook.com/groups/londonagainsttroika/

We are inviting all anti-austerity groups in the UK to join us to prepare
the UK instance of the International Demonstration “People United
Against Austerity and Troika” that was called for in the international
meeting in Lisbon last 26th April

Would you care to join us in organizing this in London?

4th May, 4 pm
4th floor, Blue Bar, Royal Festival Hall, London

Paulo  Costa (+44-7778129836) (skype: pvilela2)
Diana Cheney (+44-7913510951)
and many more…

————————–

People United Against Austerity and Troika: International Demonstration,
1st June 2013

Europe is under an onslaught by the financial capital represented by the
Troika, the International Monetary Fund, the European Central Bank, the
European Commission, and by the governments that implement policies in
agreement with these entities against the people. This offensive intends
to crush the people, making them slaves of debt and austerity. Austerity
has spread across Europe and should also be defeated by international
struggle.
Each of us, in every country, in every city, in every home, in themselves,
feel the effect of policies and decisions on peoples’ rights won over
decades. They have increased unemployment, they look to privatize
everything that can be profitable, they attack the sovereignty of
countries under the propaganda of “foreign aid”. It is urgent that we join
our forces to better fight back.

We have launched an appeal for an international decentralized
demonstration to dozens of movements in Spain, France, Italy, Greece,
Cyprus, Ireland, England, Scotland, Germany, Slovenia … At the meeting
held on 26th April in Lisbon, companions from several European countries
have discussed this proposal together.

We reached an international consensus to take to the streets on the 1st of
June 2013: People united against troika!

This is the beginning of a decentralized and participatory process. We
want to build it collectively by joining our forces. Countries across
Europe will be from now on invited to join in a protest against the
international troika and against austerity on the 1st of June 2013…
people shall decide how to live their lives.

We call on all citizens, with and without political party, employed or
unemployed, with or without hope, we urge you to join us. We call on all
political organizations, civic movements, unions, political parties,
communities, informal groups, we urge you to join us.

We are extending our contacts, both nationally and internationally,
because we know that only the sum of our voices can stop the new wave of
austerity that is being prepared. The peoples of Europe have demonstrated
on several occasions showing that they are not available for more
sacrifices on behalf of a future that will never come. It is time for a
major demonstration to show the ability of these peoples across borders to
coordinate in this fight. The people say NO to the policies of austerity.

From North to South of Europe, we will take to the streets against
austerity!”


Labour rights in Greece after 3-years of Austerity

UCL Labour Rights Institute

Cure the disease and kill the patient – Labour rights in Greece after 3-years of Austerity

 

Tuesday 14 May 2013
5.30 – 7.30pm at the UCL Faculty of Laws

 

Speakers

  • Dr Aristea Koukiadaki (Lecturer in Employment Studies, University of Manchester); 
  • Dr Lefteris Kretsos (Senior Lecturer in Employment Relations, University of Greenwich); 
  • Dr Giuseppe Casale (Director, ILO Department of Labour Administration); 
  • Colm O’Cinneide (Reader in Laws, UCL; Vice-President of the European Committee of Social Rights)

 

This small symposium focuses on the state of labour law in Greece after 3-years of austerity and deregulatory reforms partly introduced to satisfy the requirements imposed by the EU Commission-ECB-IMF Memoranda of Understanding accompanying the country’s two main bailout packages of May 2010 and February 2012.

In recent years, even months, the issue of rapidly declining labour rights standards in Greece has become the subject of intense academic debate and (more recently) human rights litigation, with a number of regional and international organisations assessing recent reforms against Greece’s international human/labour rights obligations. In 2011 a Report of the ILO High Level Mission to Greece, explicitly noted that ‘overall, the changes being introduced to the industrial relations system in the current circumstances are likely to have a spillover effect on collective bargaining as a whole, to the detriment of social peace and society at large’ and reminded Greece of its obligations ‘under ratified Conventions to promote the practice of collective bargaining in general’. These concerns are, if anything, more forcefully expressed in last year’s 356th Report of the ILO Committee on Freedom of Association (cf. page 249-274). The European Committee of Social Rights, in two recent decisions of 2012, was even more explicit in declaring the Greek state in breach of Articles 1, 4, 7, and 10 of the European Social Charter.

This event proposes to debate in greater detail the labour law, inductrial relations and human rights implications of these reforms from a national, European, and ILO perspective.

 

The event is generously supported by the UCL European Institute.


Austerity Land

Puppies and ice cream

 

dog_and_ice-cream

The Greek reality

 

by journalist and science writer Leigh Phillips

Phillips was a reporter and deputy editor with EUobserver until 2012 covering economic affairs, the environment and digital rights. He has also written for the Guardian, the Daily Telegraph, Nature, Scientific American, Red Pepper and Jacobin.

Let’s say you’re the prime minister of a country that’s being forced to impose some seriously strict-ass austerian shock therapy. Every day, it’s all puppies and ice cream, am I right?

Okay, not so much.

Now, if you’re lucky enough to have a population who are as demoralised as Marvin the Paranoid Android and they just emigrate like the Irish (highest emigration rate in 25 years last year) or the Latvians (13% drop in population since 2000, most of which since the crisis and 80% of whom are under 35), then you don’t have to worry about rolling general strikes, low-level terrorism and neo-Nazi MPs beating up women on TV.

Sure, with all those hyper-educated working-age kids skedaddling off to Australia or Brazil or, erm,Angola, you’ll have a bitch of a brain-drain on your hands, not to mention a wallop of a drop in economic demand, but hey, isn’t that better than having your office shot at?

But not every prime minister is as lucky as Ireland’s ol’ Blueshirt Enda Kenny. Much of the rest of the EU periphery is nowhere near as docile as his flock. At a conference I attended last summer, one German analyst placed the number of general strikes in Europe’s southern flank since the start of the crisis at over 30. Historically unheard of. Even the tumult between the World Wars didn’t see this number of general strikes.

And all that’s going to happen is your economy is going to tank, unemployment will rise to 30% (to almost 60% for young people), pensioners will shoot themselves in public squares and mothers and sons will jump off the roofs of their building while holding hands when they can’t pay the bills, and your people will despise you. You won’t even be able to go to your favourite restaurant without having eggs thrown at you.

Then come elections, the other guys are certain to get in. Of course, they’ll impose exactly the same measures, but come on, they’re the other tribe! They may be ideologically identical to you, but they’re still the other team, man!

So what are you to do? How the hell are you going to boost your popularity in such hairy times? It’s a stubborn pickled octopus of a quandary.

Now, I’m no James Carville, the infamously Machiavellian political strategist who delivered Bill Clinton’s long-shot Democratic nomination and presidential election victory in 1992, but I’ve nevertheless come up with a handy little playbook with some lessons taken from the remarkable – if very likely only temporary – turn-around in opinion-poll fortunes of Greek Prime Minister Antonis Samaras.

In many respects it does come down to a bit of a Hail-Mary pass – the last best hope of a democratic government before it turns into something else, so it’s not recommended in anything but the most extreme circumstances. Still, other European leaders should at least familiarise themselves with these tactics should the economic and political stability of their countries ever, Heaven forfend, take a similar turn to that of the Hellenic Republic.

 

Step One: Distract attention from the cuts

Screen Shot 2013-01-25 at 23.33.02

Greek tourism revenues declined 15%
in 2012 for some reason.

 

First, and most important, initiate something along the lines of Samaras’ Operation Target Darkie.

Okay, so the undertaking is not actually called Operation Target Darkie. It’s called Operation Xenios Zeus, which is still quite a bit of a chucklesome border-patrol in-joke.

You see, since the launch last August of Operation Xenios Zeus, 60,000 (yes that’s not a typo. There are five zeroes after that six) people who don’t look Greek enough have been rounded up and detained, and 4,200 arrested. But ‘Xenios Zeus’ was in fact one of the Greek god Zeus’s many titles, and it meant ‘patron of guests and hospitality’, quick to avenge any wrong done to a stranger.

Ha! Rib-tickling! Side-splitting! (Actually, quite literally side-splitting in some cases) Do you get it? Amnesty International, those po-faced goody-goodies, clearly didn’t. They issued a 12-page report last month denouncing the government’s attacks on migrants, the extended detention in filthy, appalling conditions and its routine breaking of international and EU law.

But what you have to understand is that it’s been tremendously successful in restoring Samaras’s fortunes after his party spent months in the wilderness, trailing well behind the radical left Syriza in polls since the election. The most recent polls out this week now puts his New Democracy party even-Steven (even-Stefanos?) with Syriza – perhaps even actually pipping their main opponents. And a slim majority believe Samaras to be a better prime minister than Syriza’s Alex Tsipras would be.

Now, I know what you’re gonna say. “Leigh, won’t this sort of strategy just normalise attacks on immigrants and open the door for the neo-nazi thugs who will be emboldened to assault or even murder anyone who doesn’t look or sound ‘Greek’?”

And I see where you’re coming from. That could indeed be a problem. Why, just last week, a young Pakistani man riding his bicycle in Athens was stabbed by two men on motorcycles, later dying of his wounds. In August, a 19-year-old Iraqi was fatally stabbed by a gang, also on motorcycles. The city’s mayor describes knife attacks happening on an almost daily basis.

There has been an increase in racist attacks since 2010, but human rights groups say that incidents of racially motivated violence last year just skyrocketed. Golden Dawn thugs break up market stalls with baseball bats while the police stand by and watch. They climb aboard buses and drag people out and beat them with crow bars and chains. They throw molotov cocktails at barbershops and when the police come and investigate, they arrest the barber.

But remember, we’re all in this together. We’ve all got to do our part. Sure, it’ll be a bit uneven. Some of these measures will fall unfairly on some people. I recognise that. But what other option does Samaras have? How else is going to be able to distract attention from his EU-ordered gutting of social protections and services? Sure, children are being kept in concentration camps with no clean bedding or warm water, but where’s the sympathy for poor old Sammy?

 

Step Two: Use arcane laws to break strikes

State-of-emergency

Remember to respect workers rights, or a committee of the
UN International Labour Organisation will write you a very stern letter indeed!

 

Next, you’ve got to figure out a way to deal with bolshy workers who saw household disposable income drop by 10.6% in the third quarter of 2012 compared with the previous year, as data released by the government stats agency last week showed.

One-day general strikes you can handle. It’s normal that unions should march on parliament. There’s the odd scuffle with riot police, then people go home. So what? As Swedish finance minister Anders Borg joked about Hungarian unions protesting austerity in 2011, “Isn’t that what unions always do?”

But indefinite strikes, particularly in strategic sectors that the rest of the economy depends upon, such as transport, ports, oil refineries and airports – that’s a real nuisance. People like to say that unionsaren’t as powerful as they once were. Many union leaders, particularly in the European Trades Union Congress, may even believe it themselves. But t’s remarkable how just a few strategically placed strikers can paralyse an entire economy.

The solution to this persnickety little problem here does require breaching international conventions against forced labour dating back to the 1930s, but don’t worry, you’re not going to get any trouble from Brussels on that front.

So when Athens Metro workers go on strike for eight days to oppose an EU-demanded 25% cut in wages – a demand being imposed in breach of contract with the workers – all you have to do is enact a ‘civil mobilisation’ order, enforced by riot cops armed with the threat of five-year prison sentences.

“What on earth is a ‘civil mobilisation’ order?” I hear you say. And indeed, it is an obscure power that governments have. There’s no Wikipedia entry for it, and if you Google the term, you’ll only find clippings from newspapers from the First and Second World Wars. It’s a tightly bounded form of martial law, restricted to a particular sector, that requisitions workers’ services for an indefinite duration and bans strikes. Essentially, it’s labour conscription or military labour.

But just like the return of avocado-green kitchen appliances, after a long time unconscionably démodé, civil mobilisation is deffo back in fashion.

In 2010, then-French-President Nicolas Sarkozy used ‘requisitioned labour’ to break strikes at occupied refineries and oil depots and defeat the widespread movement against his planned pension cuts. The requisition order declared that continuance of the strike could cause “serious disruptions of public order” including “riots”, and threatened the workers with six months’ imprisonment and a €10,000 fine. A judge may have subsequently declared the requisition order illegal, but the government just issued another, less general requisition.

The same year, Spain’s Zapatero militarised labour in the country’s airspace in order to break a strike by air traffic controllers over similar European orchestrated public sector cuts and privatisation. The Defence Ministry was put in charge, sending military police to disrupt a union meeting and force them back to work. Soldiers took over air traffic control towers across the country and army units were given the power to conscript air traffic controllers from their homes and order them to work under military authority. Workers faced prison sentences of up to six years for disobeying military orders. In effect, they had become military personnel.

So basically, everybody’s doing it, so why not Greece?

In keeping with the UN International Labour Organisation’s Forced Labour Convention (Convention No. 29) and according to Greek law, the requisition of labour is only permitted in cases of a “sudden situation requiring the taking of immediate measures to face the country’s defensive needs or a social emergency against any type of imminent natural disaster or emergency that might endanger the public health”.

After an investigation by the ILO’s Committee on Freedom of Association in 2009 into a controversial use that year of a 1974 decree (thus dating back to the last year of the Colonels’ junta) on ‘Civil Emergency Planning’ to issue a civil mobilisation order against striking seamen, the Greek government committed to ensuring that such use “will from now on only apply in times of war.”

But really, who cares about the ILO? It’s not like they’re international lenders who need a signal showing how tough you are at forcing through the cuts and privatisation they’re demanding. Political leaders across the EU periphery have desperately been trying to figure out a way to show the markets and European power-brokers they mean business. And now, Eureka, they have found a way! Is there any bigger big-cock manoeuvre than the militarisation of labour?

Samaras’s civil mobilisation was denounced by unions as authoritarian and “tantamount to dictatorship”. “Let them [the government] come and collect dead bodies. Let them send in the army,” bellowed transport union leader Antonis Stamatopoulos.

But after riot police stormed a train depot in the diddly tiny hours of Friday morning and served mobilisation notices to 2,500 employees, normal service was resumed by the afternoon.

There is of course the danger that the use of such unorthodox tactics will itself produce still an escalation in militant activity from furious citizens and unionists, shocked that you are using a mechanism normally reserved for times of war, but then all you have to do is escalate the repression! Simples!

 

Step Three: Accuse your opponents of terrorism

zizek-slavoj-syriza-greece-speech

Syriza leader Alexis Tsipras consorting with a vicious Slovenian terrorist.

Read the rest of this entry »


Greece: The Downsizing of a Country

 

By Panagiotis Sotiris*, 

originally written for Greek Left Review 

The current Greek government came to power, after the June 17 election, in the name of “renegotiating” the terms of the “Memoranda of Understanding” with the EU – IMF – ECB Troika. This proved to be one of the most short-lived promises ever to be made.

During the past two months, two parallel processes have been going on. On the one hand, we have the real policy process, where the representatives of the Troika dictate budget cuts, austerity measures, and profound policy changes. On the other hand, we have the tragicomedy of the political scene, with successive meetings between the heads of the government coalition parties, the constant “drawing of lines not to be crossed”, only to be forgotten the next day, and a whole façade of “trying hard” to avoid even harsher measures, whereas it is more than obvious that most of the measures had been agreed on from the beginning. To add insult to injury, the Greek Prime Minister, made a promise that this would be the “last austerity package”.

The Greek government has put together a set of austerity measures that will lead to an 11.9 billion euros reduction in public spending in the next two years. This package has been presented to the Troika representatives in order to be approved by them so that 31 billion euros of bail-out funds will be released and the Greek state saved from bankruptcy. It includes:

  • Cuts in the funding of Ministries, that will make them almost impossible to function properly.

  • A slashing in social spending, that includes reductions in family benefits, in special unemployment benefits for seasonal workers and other social benefits, including funding for travel expenses for patients receiving dialysis.

  • A new wave of personnel reductions in the public sector, by forcing thousands of civil servants close to retirement age to enter “pre-retirement status” at reduced wages, by not rehiring public sector employees on limited term contracts (e.g. substitute teachers or adjunct faculty), and by reducing the total number of public sector institutions.

  • New cuts in pensions and public sector wages. The cuts in pensions will not simply deteriorate the quality of life for senior citizens. They will deprive families of an income that was instrumental in sustaining forms of intergenerational solidarity.

  • A massive new wave of privatizations.

  • Cuts in health spending, in a period when Greece is very close to a humanitarian crisis. These cuts will jeopardize the ability of many hospitals and clinics to function properly and will lead to a deterioration of the quality of health services and a reduction in total health coverage.

  • The reduction of the total number of Universities, University departments and Higher Education Institutions, through a process of “spatial restructuring” of Higher Education.

  • The freeze in hiring in all levels of education, mass lay-offs of adjunct faculty, new education budget cuts – including the abolition of the gratis provision of university textbooks –, and increased tuition for graduate courses.

  • Reduced funding for culture and the Arts

Apart from the budget cuts, there is also a new series of “reforms”. A leaked memo sent from the Troika representatives to the Ministry of Labour has been most revealing. Apart from the demand for a new reduction of the minimum wage (which has already been reduced from 751 to 586 euros), the Troika demands a complete dismantling of whatever has been left of labour market regulation:

  • Abolishing the 5-day working week and re-introducing the 6-day working week

  • Reducing the minimum time of rest between shifts to only 11 hours

  • Reduced penalties for labour law violations and limits to the ability of the Labour Inspectorate of the Ministry of Labour to intervene in favour of employees.

  • Reduced employers’ social contributions along with reduced pensions.

Although this austerity package seems devastating, it is not enough for the Troika representatives. Especially, they have questioned many of the proposed measures, especially those that project a reduction in public spending as a result of restructuring the public sector. Instead they have insisted on more ‘tangible’ cuts demanding mass lay-offs of civil servants and public sector employees, extra cuts in social benefits, wages and pensions, increased taxation by abolishing almost all forms of tax exemption for low incomes, and raising the retirement age to 67. This has led to a new round of negotiations between the Greek government and the Troika and also within the government coalition.

At the same time, as a result of the austerity measures adopted so far and the supervision of the Troika, the Greek social landscape is close to a zone of destruction:

  • Greece is going through the fifth consecutive year of recession, and it is almost certain that 2013 will also be a year of recession. Total GDP reduction since 2008 will reach 22% in the end of 2012.

  • Official unemployment reached 24.4% in June 2012. Youth unemployment is at 55%, but even more worrying is the sharp increase of those in their most productive ages: 21% in the 35-44 age cohort. It is certain than in the next months real unemployment will exceed 30%.

  • The purchasing power of the average wage is back to its 2003 level and that of the minimum wage to that of the late 1970s. According to OECD the total reduction of real wages, as a result of wage cuts and increased taxation, was 25.3%.

  • 25.4% of salaried employees can be characterized as “working poor”.

  • Internal devaluation” has already reached, in terms of relative labour cost, 23%.

  • There has been an increase in all forms of social problems associated with social insecurity and increased poverty, including a sharp increase in the number of suicides and suicide attempts, directly related to the economic crisis.

  • Greece is witnessing the third mass wave of migration of its modern history, this time mainly in the form of a brain-drain, since the majority of Greeks seeking employment abroad are highly qualified.

  Read the rest of this entry »


Greece is not a dog: the arrogance of the austerians

By Ingeborg Beugel On September 11, 2012

Originally posted at Roarmag.org

Post image for Greece is not a dog: the arrogance of the austeriansDutch and German politicians like to blame Greece for refusing to stick to the agreements — but, in truth, the Greeks are doing more than they should.

 

Everyone who talks about Greece these days — even well-intentioned liberals — seems to assume a priori that Greece is somehow “opposing the reforms” and “refusing to stick to the agreements”. With Dutch Prime Minister Mark Rutte and German Chancellor Angela Merkel at the forefront, of course. Greece does not deserve respite, not a second of extra time and not a single penny more, simply because “the country keeps breaking its promises.”

First of all, the problem is that it’s impossible for a country as a whole to stick to any agreement whatsoever as if it’s some kind of ‘person’. In Greece there are countless people — the majority of the population — who have been struck by austerity measures that have been forced down their throats as if they were some kind of natural disaster; measures that are the result of those aforementioned “agreements”: a 40 to 50 percent reduction of salaries and pensions, an unbearable series of extra taxes, layoffs on a gigantic scale, a massive increase in unemployment and poverty, the destruction of labor rights, the implosion of healthcare. All these things are utterly unthinkable in a country like Germany or the Netherlands, yet nobody seems to give the Greeks who bravely carry this burden any credit whatsoever.

And then there is obviously the minority, a substantial part of Greece’s rich and corrupt political and industrial elite, which does dodge taxes on a grand scale by funneling money away to foreign countries, but which still gets away unscathed. The majority of Greeks who are bending over backwards to serve the Brussels diktat cannot help that. The middle class, the incredibly hard-working and impossible-tax-paying Greek, cannot be held responsible for that. Try to convince those people that, simply because a tiny minority keeps behaving scandalously, their country is somehow “refusing to stick to the agreements”.

Mind you, it’s exactly that “virtueless” minority of Greeks that Berlin and The Hague were happily doing business with and that could comfortably continue its corrupt ways under the watching gaze of Brussels. For decades, journalists wrote blisters onto their fingers about all the things that were going wrong in Greece, how the people suffered as a result of this, and how sooner or later things were bound to go wrong — but EU politicians didn’t even budge. I would like to see Dutch Prime Minister Rutte explain to my elderly Greek neighbor, who now has to find a way to survive on a miniscule pension of 300 euros, that she is somehow “refusing to stick to the agreements” and “opposing the reforms” when she recounts, crying, that she can’t (and hence won’t) pay her electricity bills.

Secondly, this is not about “agreements” at all. Somehow, that word presupposes that we are talking about two equal parties agreeing on a mutual course of action. Nothing could be further from the truth. Greece has been humbled, mangled and castigated, forced to accept the various IMF demands and Merkel’s austerity measures in a profoundly unequal “like it or lump it” type of situation. The word “agreements” itself is just as deceptive as the words “support” or “reform”. In the case of Greece, “agreements” refer to demands made at knifepoint. Support does not consist of gifts, subsidies or investments, but of big fat loans at disastrous, sky-high interest rates that squeezed Greece will never be able to repay. And the reforms are really just absurd budget cuts that would be utterly impracticable in Northern Europe, including the prospect of a total annihilation of minimum labor rights — something for which Europeans, including the Greeks,  have fought for centuries.

Thirdly, contrary to what Merkel and Rutte unjustifiably keep claiming, ad nauseam, the Greek government is making unbelievable, superhuman efforts to fulfill those impossible demands from Brussels. It does so in spite of the inevitable social unrest and understandable resistance of the Greek people, who are naturally rebelling against all this injustice. Whoever still claims that the Greek government is “once again” falling behind on its commitments and, as a result of slacking and bad governance, fails to pursue the right measures and reforms in the timeframe imposed by Brussels, is simply lying. Merkel is lying. Rutte is lying. Nobel Prize-winning economists and commentators like Joseph Stiglitz and Paul Krugman have already been predicting for two years, also ad nauseam, that Merkel’s current austerity policies are not only failing to work, but are actually driving the Greek economy ever deeper into the abyss.

And behold, they were right. The fact that Merkel and Rutte seem to believe that the targets of their much-revered but ultimately disastrous austerity policies are not being met has nothing to do with the fact that the Greeks are “failing once again”, but is simply the result of a stupid and unworkable set of policies. Back in the Netherlands, Prime Minister Rutte keeps complaining that Greece isn’t privatizing fast enough. This is completely unjustified. Something else is going on: the time Greece has been granted to privatize is simply surreal. Not a single government could comply with that. It’s simply demagoguery to go on and claim that the “Greeks are falling behind again”.

Moreover, the pressure of this “Mission Impossible” pushes the Greek government into an unworkable situation. Partly because of Brussels, it finds itself with its back against the wall, in an in extremely weak position to privatize. It is being forced to sell off large state assets at firesale prices. Foreign buyers and vulture investors smell weakness — and blood. No surprise, then, that government revenues are disappointing; something which can subsequently be used by Rutte and Merkel to claim that “Greece is not honoring its promises”. The same goes for the disappointing revenue from all those extra new taxes: the austerity measures have pushed the Greek economy into a diabolical recession, as a result of which all those EU and IMF calculations about expected revenues turn out to be wrong. That’s not the fault of the Greeks.

One of the most extreme pronunciations came from Dutch Prime Minister Mark Rutte in a recent pre-election debate with Labour leader Diederik Samsom. Samsom openly asked Rutte whether, in order to save Greece and the euro, he would be willing to cough up the money for another bailout. (Obviously, it’s not about “giving” this money, it’s about expensive loans. But let’s leave that aside). No, Rutte yelled. Why not? Because it would be extremely unwise to say that now, for the Greeks would immediately slow down, sit back and stop privatizing and reforming. After all, they would count their blessings in advance, knowing full well that “someone would pay for them” again and therefore refuse to do anything whatsoever. And so Samsom had to be careful with his words, because the Greeks were listening along — and they would “now receive a completely perverse incentive” from the Labour leader.

Rutte: “we have to keep them on a tight leash.”

Excuse me?

As if Greece were a dog. As if the Greeks were shitty little kids grabbing every opportunity to skirt their responsibilities. What an idiotic way of doing international politics. What an arrogant attitude toward people who are bending over backwards to stay inside of “Europe”. Rutte apparently has such a deep distrust and such a profound contempt for our fellow EU member state that we — from the point of view of Ruttian pedagogy — have to actively deceive them and, above all, should not let them know that they can count on any further bailouts if needed. As Prime Minister, Rutte has already made it known that he has “nothing to do with the Greeks”. Such a person, who just like the right-wing extremist Geert Wilders likes to play with the gut feelings of ill-informed citizens to win their votes, should never be allowed to become PM in the first place.

Last but not least: in my own environment and extensive circle of acquaintances in Greece, I do not know a single Greek who does not want to see reform — in the pure sense of the word — from the government; not a single Greek who does not want to put an end to the old and corrupt Greek political establishment, and who does not believe that the debt, for which they themselves are not responsible, should ultimately be paid back (should it?). These people deserve our support and encouragement; not to be treated arrogantly, mercilessly and unjustly, like second-class citizens — or even worse, like a dog.

Ingeborg Beugel is a Dutch journalist and was formerly based in Athens as a foreign correspondent for various Dutch media. She regularly appears on Dutch television to comment on the Greek debt crisis.


Dread and Uncertainty Pervade Life in a Diminished Greece

By Rachel Donadio, originally published at the New York Times

ATHENS — Anyplace else, they might be signs of progress: Traffic moves faster on once clogged streets. Cigarette smoking has dropped sharply. Far less garbage heads for landfills each day.

But this is Athens, and the statistics are grim reminders of a middle-class society in rapid decline. Many fear that elections, including voting scheduled for Sunday, offer no clear route out of a deepening political and economic crisis. From its wealthy northern suburbs to the concrete blocks of downtown, there is a sense of an endgame in Athens.

“It’s the last days of Pompeii,” said Aris Chatzistefanou, a co-director of “Debtocracy,” a provocative 2011 documentary about the Greek crisis, as he stood, drink in hand, outside a cafe in Exarchia, a thrumming graffiti-filled neighborhood whose night life remains a rare pocket of defiant joy amid the unremitting gloom.

For many Greeks, the question is not which party will win. The next months and years will be difficult no matter which government is in charge. Increasingly, they wonder whether they themselves — and their country — will emerge from the crisis with a secure future. Giorgos, a 27-year-old economics major who did not want to reveal his last name, said the sense of uncertainty was oppressive.

“There is a depression in the Greek people, in all my friends,” said Giorgos, who has put off plans to open a frozen yogurt shop. “They keep saying: ‘I can’t take it. There’s depression about our jobs, depression on the news, depression about the economic situation, depression in our family, depression and fighting among friends.’ ”

He had just returned from a day trip to Munich, where like many people in the heavily indebted countries, he had opened a bank account. “I don’t want to transfer all my money, but if something goes wrong here, I don’t want to be poor just in one day,” he said.

In the Athens Metro, posters that read “Apocalypse,” advertising a staged rendition of the Book of Revelation on the island of Patmos, capture the air of desperation. In the gleaming Eleftheroudakis bookshop downtown, copies of “Living in the End Times” by Slavoj Zizek, the Slovenian cultural critic, are on prominent display.

A clerk said books on economics and do-it-yourself guides were selling briskly, as were escapist thrillers and philosophy, especially works by Arthur Schopenhauer, known for his pessimism and his conviction that human experience is not rational or understandable.

Saddled with debts to foreign lenders, Greece is in its fifth consecutive year of recession. The uncertainty, political and economic, has brought the economy to a standstill. Private sector salaries dropped 22.5 percent in 2011, according to the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development. New figures released last week show unemployment at 22 percent, rising to nearly 30 percent for Greeks 25 to 34 years old.

The feeling that the country is about to undergo an even greater economic upheaval is inescapable. Highly educated young people are desperate to emigrate. Families are putting their property up for sale to pay debts. Banks long ago stopped lending. Casual conversations between friends end in tears.

Mr. Chatzistefanou, the documentary maker, is among a faction of Greeks who argue that Greece should voluntarily abandon the euro and return to the drachma, its original currency. Polls have consistently shown that more than 70 percent of Greeks disagree with him.

Polls show that Syriza, the leftist party that staunchly rejects the terms of the bailout that averted a Greek bankruptcy but imposed severe budget cuts and structural changes, is neck and neck with its conservative rival, New Democracy, raising fears that Greece will leave the euro. (By law the last polls were taken June 1, two weeks before elections.)

In a news conference on Tuesday, Syriza’s leader, Alexis Tsipras, said the party did not intend to “bully” Greece’s foreign lenders. “We will go there to convince them that a euro zone country is falling apart,” he said.

There is no guarantee that the parliamentary elections on Sunday will clear up the fog that has enveloped the country since the inconclusive elections on May 6. Uncertain of their futures, Greeks have put off all kinds of decisions. “As if it weren’t bad already because of the recession, things have been completely frozen since the day elections were called,” said Leftheris Potamianos, a real estate agent. “If the market could speak, it would beg for a government.”

As elections near, the country is becoming more politically polarized between left and right. Since last week, Greece has been abuzz with talk of how Ilias Kasidiaris, the spokesman for the neo-Nazi, anti-immigrant Golden Dawn party, physically assaulted two left-wing lawmakers, both women, on live television, tossing water in one’s face and giving the other a series of solid swats to the face.

He then evaded arrest for several days, prompting critics to suggest complicity between the hard-right vigilante group and the Greek police. (The police have denied any such links.) In a bizarre twist on Monday, Mr. Kasidiaris sued the two lawmakers he had attacked, saying he had been provoked.

Still, daily life marches on. Outside a dissolved Parliament, the guards goose-step in their kilts and shoes with pom-poms. Tourists traipse up to the Acropolis. Cafes are full. Temperatures are rising, and shops display a vast array of suntan lotions. A clerk said that sales were generally down but that sunblock was drawing people in.

“The beach is the only thing we are left with,” said a clerk in the Hondos Center department store. “It’s free.”

For others, it is soccer. In the opening match of the Euro 2012 on Friday, Greece, the European Union’s fastest-shrinking economy, scored an equalizer to tie with Poland, its fastest-growing economy. Fans gathered in a shopping mall to watch, raising their fists in despair at a missed penalty kick. Greece’s coach put his hands to his face in a gesture that captured the national mood. (On Tuesday, Greece lost to the Czech Republic.)

The crisis continues to erode the economy and living standards. The Greek news media reported a 27 percent drop in garbage collections in the greater Athens area, and a precipitous decline in smoking, with consumption dropping to 2.3 million cigarettes in 2011, from 3.1 million in 2007. Mass transit use has dropped by double digits.

“In the beginning you panic, and then you realize that you can live with much less,” said Nikos Hlepas, a professor of public administration at the University of Athens, who said his salary had been sharply reduced. “No restaurants, no opera. You visit your friends and you cook much more. It has its positive aspects. You don’t use your car. You don’t take trips.” After several tax increases, gasoline costs around $8.20 a gallon.

In the Athens meat market on a recent morning, Yiannoula and Tasos Siskos, 52 and 57 and both unemployed, said they had taken the subway in from the suburbs to save money. “It’s our first time here,” Ms. Siskos said. “It’s cheaper than from the supermarket.” She was a seamstress and he was in construction, but their year of unemployment benefits had run out. “We have a mortgage, but we stopped paying,” she said.

Asked if she was worried about the future, Ms. Siskos rolled her eyes and let out a long, high-pitched “oooooh,” an affirmative that transcended language.

The recession has also hit the upper tiers. The car market, fueled by too-easy credit in the past, has collapsed. With the downturn and steep tax increases on large-cylinder cars, luxury cars are selling at bargain-basement rates. At the Fast and Fashion car dealership in Athens, Dimitris Karanastasis, 31, pointed across the showroom to a black Porsche 911 Turbo. “In 2008, we sold this car for $210,000,” he said. “Now the customer brought it back to sell it for $97,000.”

Greeks seem resigned to the fact that their economy is moving backward, although whether to the levels of the pre-boom 1990s, 1970s or 1950s remains to be seen. Asked what he thought, Mr. Karanastasis shrugged and cited a Greek expression. “Make me an oracle and I’ll make you rich,” he said.

Suzanne Daley and Dimitris Bounias contributed reporting.


What austerity looks like around the world

Posted at The Washington Post by  at 11:40 AM ET, 05/22/2012
We’ve noted before that most countries in Europe are engaged in “austerity” — defined as some mix of spending cuts and tax increases. But what’s the actual mix?

Here’s one helpful graph from the OECD’s latest Economic Outlook. It shows the projected change in the “primary balance” of the world’s wealthiest countries between 2011 and 2013. (This is the deficit picture after excluding net interest payments on the debt.*)

Some countries, like Italy, are trying to consolidate their budgets primarily through revenue increases. Others, like Spain and Greece, seem to be relying far more heavily on spending cuts:

(And yes, these forecasts could prove wrong. The OECD, for instance, seems to project that the United States will enage in a mix of spending cuts and tax increases in the next year — appearing to assume that Congress will let all of the various tax cuts expire at the end of 2012. That’s far from certain.) Read the rest of this entry »


Solidarity versus austerity: a report from the Greece solidarity delegation

Originally posted at CoalitionResistance.org.uk March 23, 2012 by Tansy Hoskins

Tansy Hoskins reports on her experiences on the trade union solidarity delegation to Greece organised by the Coalition of Resistance and the People’s Charter.

Greek pensioners protest for translation of their placards visit Craig Wherlock’s Flickr page

Athens is a city of lit fuses. Graffiti covers buildings, pavements and statues like an angry rash. Burnt out and boarded up buildings are dotted around the city. Tension is palpable as people await the next demonstration, the next riot and the elections in April.

However, the crisis in Greece has gone beyond something that an election or a riot can resolve. It runs deeper than the question of who should sit in parliament, of how the debt should be paid off, or if it should be repaid at all. The crisis is now about the very fabric of society, of who should have control and for whose benefit society is run.

The 45,000 homeless people in Athens – many of whom spent a frozen winter sleeping in caves – are testimony to the total failure of capitalism to provide a decent standard of living. The loss of healthcare and unaffordable food prices means people are literally struggling to stay alive.

At the same time Athens still has its luxury shops, hotels and restaurants. There are multi-national corporations feasting on whatever the parliament decides to add to its corrupt garage sale of national assets. Read the rest of this entry »


Greece’s austerity doesn’t extend to its arms budget

Greece continues to spend the most on arms in the EU as a percentage of GDP, while its people suffer economic hardship

published at The Guardian, by Paul Haydon, Wednesday 21 March 2012 14.56 GMT

 

Protesters clash with riot police during a demonstration in the center of Athens, Greece. Photograph: Aris Messinis/AFP/Getty Images

In the wake of the private sector debt swap agreed last week, European leaders have continued to call for major structural reforms to Greece’s economy and society. The current EU-IMF bailout remains conditional on further austerity measures, including reducing pensions, the minimum-wage and civil service jobs. However, one area of the Greek budget doesn’t seem to have received much scrutiny: its huge military spending.

The fact that Greece, a relatively small and democratic country with not much in the way of global ambitions, should spend as much on its military as it does is perplexing. In 2006, as the financial crisis was looming, Greece was the third biggest arms importer after China and India. And over the past 10 years its military budget has stood at an average of 4% of GDP, more than £900 per person. If Greece is in need of structural reform, then its oversized military would seem the most logical place to start. In fact, if it had only spent the EU average of 1.7% over the last 20 years, it would have saved a total of 52% of its GDP – meaning instead of being completely bankrupt it would be among the more typical countries struggling with the recession.

Read the rest of this entry »


I Witness: The Greek debt crisis with Aris Chatzistefanou

by Islam Channel 15/2/2012 http://www.counterfire.org

Debtocracy director Aris Chatzistefanou joins James Meadway of the New Economics Foundation for this edition of the I Witness programme with John Rees.


More clashes on the streets of Athens as the Greek Government imposes another round of austerity measures in a bid to ease the country’s economic woes. The policies will ensure Greece receives yet more financial aid from its European lenders but at what price to the Greek people?

The measures put in place are so severe that many fear that they are impossible to implement in a democratic state. But has democracy now been subverted in Greece?

Many Greeks now say that their country has become a slave to it’s lenders in the IMF and European Union.

John Rees is joined by James Meadway of the New Economics Foundation and Aris Chatzistefanou, Director of the films Debtocracy and Catastroika.

Produced for the Islam Channel by Alex Crutcher.


Follow

Get every new post delivered to your Inbox.

Join 4,113 other followers