Event Date: 8 November 2013
Lecture Theatre E002,
Central Saint Martins,
London N1C 4AA
The London Graduate School and CRMEP in association with Art & Philosophy @ Central Saint Martins present:
A Symposium on Resistance
Launch of Howard Caygill’s latest book “On Resistance: A Philosophy of Defiance”
The London Graduate School and CRMEP in association with Art & Philosophy @ Central Saint Martins present a Symposium on Resistance with Jacqueline Rose, Peter Hallward, Costas Douzinas, Michael Dillon and Howard Caygill.
Jacqueline Rose is Professor of English, Queen Mary College, University of London and author of The Last Resistance
Peter Hallward is Professor of Philosophy at CRMEP Kingston University and author of Damming the Flood: Haiti, Aristide and the Politics of Containment
Costas Douzinas is Professor of Law at Birkbeck College, University of London and author of Philosophy and Resistance in the Crisis: Greece and the Future of Europe
Michael Dillon is Emeritus Professor of Politics at Lancaster University and author (with J. Reid) of The Liberal Way of War: Killing to Make Life Live
Howard Caygill is Professor of Philosophy at CRMEP Kingston University and author of On Resistance: A Philosophy of Defiance Read the rest of this entry »
Ένα φωτογραφικό αφιέρωμα στο Δεκέμβρη του 1944 με το φακό του Dmitri Kessel
Γράφει ο Πέτρος Γαϊτάνος, το Νοέμβρη του 1994, στην εισαγωγή του Λευκώματος “DMITRI KESSEL, ΕΛΛΑΔΑ ΤΟΥ ‘44″, Εκδόσεις ΑΜΜΟΣ
Ο Dmitri Kessel γεννήθηκε στην Ουκρανία στις αρχές του αιώνα. Μετανάστευσε στην Αμερική το 1923 και εργάστηκε σαν φωτογράφος στο περιοδικό LIFE. Ταξίδεψε σ’ ολόκληρο σχεδόν τον κόσμο και οι φωτογραφίες του –μολονότι προορίζονταν για ένα εφήμερο μέσο- άντεξαν στον χρόνο. Σήμερα ο Κέσελ θεωρείται ένας από τους σημαντικότερους φωτορεπόρτερ στον κόσμο. Η δουλειά του, κλασική πια, έχει παρουσιαστεί σε πολλά βιβλία. Οι φωτογραφίες όμως που ο Ντμίτρ Κέσελ έβγαλε στην Ελλάδα του 1944 έμειναν περισσότερο ανέκδοτες και παρουσιάζονται σήμερα για πρώτη φορά.
Τον Αύγουστο του 1994, πενήντα χρόνια μετά, ένας άλλος μεγάλος φωτογράφος του αιώνα μας, ο Ντέηβιντ Ντάνκαν, έφερε στην Αθήνα αυτό το πολύτιμο υλικό και μας το έδωσε λέγοντας. «Ο Ντμίτρ Κέσελ ήταν εδώ, κάτω από την Ακρόπολη, στις 3 Δεκεμβρίου 1944. Τότε που πολλά όνειρα έγιναν εφιάλτες και ο ηρωισμός, η αγωνία και το πάθος μάτωσαν αυτή την όμορφη χώρα. Σας στέλνει, μέσα απ’ την καρδιά του, όσα θραύσματα μάζεψε από εκείνα τα γεγονότα. Τη δική του φωτογραφική μαρτυρία». Read the rest of this entry »
ATHENS, Dec 3 2013 (IPS) - A Nov. 19 paper by the European External Action Service (EEAS), the EU diplomatic corps, considers the possibility of the European military getting involved in the south Mediterranean in an effort to curb the influx of irregular migrants and refugees into Europe.
The idea for a military operation initially appeared in an Italian proposal set forth on Oct. 24, suggesting extraordinary measures after the recent tragic events at Lampedusa in Sicily, where a boat that departed from Libya on Oct. 3 sank before reaching the island, killing 360 immigrants.
The incident sent shock waves throughout Europe and triggered a civil society dialog about European migration policy’s human cost. But many of Europe’s leaders have seen the tragedy as a reason for further militarisation of the region. Read the rest of this entry »
Call for papers
Workshop: Social history of health and healthcare in Greece
University of Crete, Department of History and Archaeology, Rethymno, Greece March 29, 2014 | Submissions deadline: 15 December 2013
The history of health and healthcare, a well-established branch of historical studies and medical humanities in many countries, has been recently expanding to include relevant developments in modern Greece. This one-day workshop will bring together researchers who are currently working on the social history of health and healthcare with a particular focus on 20th-century Greece, in order to achieve two sets of aims: on the one hand, to record the state of research, underlining its thematic, methodological and theoretical directions; on the other hand, to investigate the opportunities for research in Greece and other countries and the possibilities for future research collaborations. Read the rest of this entry »
originally posted at Chronos Mag
The hero of the Greek Revolution in Dionyssis Savopoulos’ music.
In late 1969 Dionyssis Savopoulos released his second album with the title A Fool’s Garden (ΤοΠεριβόλιτουΤρελού). Savopoulos had already emerged as a composer since 1966, when the release of his first album (The Van) established him as one of the foremost representatives of his generation in Greece. Savopoulos was a prominent member of the group that created the New Wave (Νέο Κύμα) scene in Greece, however in contrast to other representatives of this scene, he appeared to follow a path we could say more personal. His influences seemed to be closer to the trail which had been blazed in Europe and the United States by lonely troubadours, who combined political protest with a new style of interpretation. As a member of the democratic (1-1-4) generation Savopoulos perceived the messages of his times, so The Van is a kaleidoscope of its era, with the songs connected with the big political and social problems of the era, such as the Vietnam War or the defense of democracy.
From 1966 and the Van, to 1969 and the release of A Fool’s Garden, many things had changed in Greece, but also in what we might call “youthful music”. The most important of course, was the overthrow of democracy in the April of 1967. The dictatorship of the colonels had dissolved the youth organizations and political expression was a significant risk to any citizen and to a composer who wanted to convey clear messages through his work. Apart from the political situation however, in 1969 many things had changed in what we might call “songs of the youth” or “youth culture” in general. Savopoulos of 1966 is trying to be a Greek “Bob Dylan”, but Savopoulos of 1969 is influenced by the hippie culture, which is already evident from the album cover, a true work of pop art created by his friend from Thessaloniki, Stergios Delialis. Read the rest of this entry »
originally posted at Chronos Mag http://www.chronosmag.eu
Aspects of their Discourse between Albanian and Greek
National Narratives (late 19th – early 20th centuries)
Elias G. Skoulidas
Bearing in mind the methodological proposal of Miroslav Hroch related to the role of the intellectuals in the process of the national movements and the extraordinary work of Nathalie Clayer about the Albanian national movement, our paper is an attempt to detect aspects of the discourse of Albanian Greek-Orthodox intellectuals. It should be mentioned that according to Hroch’s proposal the goals of the national movements are: a. the growth of a national culture based on a language which will be used in administration, education and economic life. b. the gain of political rights, in a first phase autonomy and finally independence. c. a new social structure with new elites, bureaucracy and so on. Mainly, three phases can be described: phase A, the «intellectuals», who invent the idea of the nation, through their researches, phase B, the «patriots», activists who use the patriotic propaganda to gain more believers and finally phase C, characterized by the massive support of the movement by the people and later on the division in wings, such as conservatives, radicals etc. It is questionable whether the intellectuals can cause revolutions but as Grandits claims their role can be regarded in a bigger context.
To describe better the context, Albanian Orthodoxes consist one of the major religion groups in Albanian society, which includes Albanians, Greeks, Aromanians, Slav-speaking and Roma communities. After the abolition of the Patriarchate of Peć and the Archbishopric of Ohrid in the late 18th century, all the Albanian Orthodoxes became members of the rum-millet. The rise of different national movements and the establishment of nation-states in the Balkans influenced these Orthodox communities, who had to rethink themselves with terms of national consciousness, social-economic status and religious identities. During the period of tanzimat, and especially in the 1860s, these communities had to deal mainly with religious and educational issues. For the newly established Greek state and during the phase of its expansion, these communities were mostly regarded as the «other» Greek, while the influence of the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople and the educational network of the Greek schools affected their identities. More over it should be noted that the Greek language was alingua franca for these communities and a necessity to their economical life in the small cities and the local merchants. Read the rest of this entry »
NYU Berlin & Freie Universität, 22-23 November 2013
A two‐day conference, organized by
Center for European and Mediterranean Studies, NYU
Freie Universität Berlin
Sponsored by NYU Global Research Initiatives
The so-called “transition studies“ were born after the collapse of authoritarian regimes in Southern Europe in the mid 1970s, and those of Latin America around a decade later. An extremely popular research subfield for a while, these studies attempted to codify and systematize the study of transitions to democracy, to analyze their qualitative features and propose models in relation to the criteria for determining what constituted democratization successes and failures. The collapse of the regimes of the Eastern Bloc in 1989 gave a push to this research agenda by offering “transitologists” an even wider range of case studies.
Although the cases of Greece and, above all, Spain were considered as “model” transitions, the simultaneous current economic crisis in both countries created a need to reassess post-authoritarian phenomena. The same applies to the countries of Eastern Europe but also Latin America. In moments of deep social, political and economic crisis, the recent past often becomes a central issue of contention. Additionally, the uprisings that shook Arab countries in 2011 revived some of the central questions of what constitutes a smooth passage to democratic rule after decades of authoritarianism, and whether the main actors that act as their engines are the masses or the elites.
These veritable paradigmatic turbulences prompted the Greek academic journalHistorein, in collaboration with the Freie Universität Berlin, NYU’s Center for European and Mediterranean Studies and NYU Berlin to organize this two‐day conference on the subject matter of Transitions Revisited. The conference is intended to be a follow-up to a three‐day conference in Athens organized by Historein, the Freie Universität Berlin, and the Friedrich Ebert Foundation, in December 2012, entitled “Metapolitefsi: From the Transition to Democracy to the Economic Crisis?” The follow-up seeks to link some of the conclusions of the Athens conference with a wider set of international case studies, thus expanding its chronotopical span.
The main objective of the conference is not solely the empirical documentation of transitions in such disparate contexts, but the opening up of a broader discussion on the nature of the latter. Which issues regarding the democratic transitions do we choose to remember, and which ones do we choose to forget on a meta‐historical level and in terms of memory? How are these violent histories and the collective memory thereof framed and re-framed in times of crisis? Could the political lessons of the so‐called “show-case models” of transition of Southern Europe, or the 1989 Central and Eastern European ones, be applied to the Arab countries at present? Or do democratization processes involve an element of “unrepeatability” that makes it impossible to extrapolate learning based on historical experience?
Perhaps some of the past conclusions of this field are by now obsolete and the time may be ripe to revisit them and introduce new terms, away from the normative drives of much of the early transitology.
Friday, November 22
NYU Berlin (Schönhauser Allee 36)
Gabriella Etmektsoglou (NYU Berlin)
Kostis Kornetis (NYU)
Report on a Conference & on a Special Issue
Effi Gazi (University of the Peloponnese) & Vangelis Karamanolakis (University of
5.15‐7.00 The Greek Metapolitefsi: From Democratic Transition to Demo-Crisis
Chair: Miltos Pechlivanos (FU Berlin)
Children of Metapolitefsi: Shifting Narratives of the 1970s’ Generation(s) Towards the Postauthoritarian Transformation
Nikolaos Papadogiannis (Humboldt University)
From Democracy to Demo‐crisis: Questioning the Transition
Antonis Liakos (University of Athens)
Saturday, November 23
Freie Universität, Schwendenerstr. 8
10.30‐12.45: Revisiting Transitions in Times of Crisis: 1970s, 1989, 2011
Chair: Kostis Kornetis (NYU)
The Colors of Refolution: Revisiting the Political Economy of Spanish and Romanian Postauthoritarian Transformations
Cornel Ban (Boston University)
Return to Revolution. The 1974 Portuguese Spring and its “austere” anniversary
Guya Accornero (Centro de Investigação e Estudos de Sociologia‐Instituto Universitário de Lisboa)
The Spanish Model After the Economic Crisis: A Comparative Analysis of Southern Europe
Diego Muro & Guillem Vidal‐Lorda (Institut Barcelona d’Estudis Internacionals)
Rebooting Transitology: Comparative Democratization Processes and the Arab Spring
Mohammad‐Mahmoud Ould Mohamedou (Graduate Institute and Geneva Center for Security Policy)
1.30 – 2.30 Lunch break
2.30‐4.00: Lost in Transitions: The Case of Theory
Chair: Effi Gazi (University of the Peloponnese)
Transitions: Is There any Theory?
Leonardo Morlino (LUISS University of Rome)
Transitology: Before and After
Philippe Schmitter (European University Institute)
4.00-4.15 Coffee break
4.15-6.45 Transitional Justice, Historical Memory, and the Effects of Democratization
Chair: Antonis Liakos (University of Athens)
The Use of Transitology in the Field of Transitional Justice. A Critical Approach on Latin America and Eastern Europe
Raluca Grocescu (CNRS)
Retrospective Politics, Transitional Justice and the Philosophy of History
Berber Bevernage (Ghent University)
The Effects of Alternative Paths to Democracy
Stephan Haggard (UC San Diego) & Robert R. Kaufman (Rutgers)
“…it would be in the best interest of SARCHA and its associates to remain committed to its constitutional aim: to research the impact of the political on architecture and city conditions and experiment with research topics that seek to imaging the possibility of self-government and the in common reassembling of the cities (the city of Athens in particular). This is far removed from the ‘third way’ (Karl Marx with Milton Friedman) approach [Alfredo Brillembourg UTT, ETH] presented in [his] opening talk [22/10/2013] as the overall vision for the ‘Re-activating – 101 ideas for Athens’.”
This is an excerpt from the letter sent to the ETH Chair of Architecture and Urban Design and Urban Think Tank (UTT) director prof. A. Brillemburg, followingdiscussions for a possible collaboration of SARCHA in the Re-activating Athens UTT_ETH project. See full text at http://sarcha-architecture.blogspot.co.uk/2013/11/an-impossible-collaboration-sarcha-and_16.html.
Listen to the panel discussion at the DEMOS London Event and see the Submitted Ideas.
We have expected to bring DEMOS to a next stage through the Re-activate Athens; this was a reason for entering into discussions with the UTT_ETH. However, DEMOS could not fit into the logic of the ‘101 ideas for the city’. SARCHA is looking for other ways and collaborations to take DEMOS at its next stage and we shall keep you informed.
Mark Lowen joins the crowds outside ERT after the building’s clearance
Greek riot police have cleared the headquarters of the former state broadcaster ERT, using tear gas to gain entry and arresting several people.
Police formed a cordon round the building in Athens, before going from room to room to evacuate protesters.
Former employees have occupied the building since the government closed ERT and sacked its 2,600 staff in June.
Greece’s conservative-led coalition said the state broadcaster cost too much to run in an economic crisis.
The closure of ERT prompted a left-wing party to withdraw from the governing coalition of prime minister Antonis Samaras in protest – a move which almost brought down the government.
The BBC’s Mark Lowen, in Athens, says the question is whether the ERT debacle again fuels social unrest here – and how much stomach the Greeks still have for a fight.
Following the announcement of ERT’s closure in June, hundreds of staff refused to leave the building and continued to broadcast their programming via the internet.
But early on Thursday, Greek police arrived to secure the building in Agia Paraskevi, a suburb in the north of Athens.
Riot police used tear gas to disperse about 200 protesters outside the building, and then cleared each room inside.
One ERT journalist, Nikos Kourovilos, told the BBC by phone he had managed to evade police and was still inside.
“They are in the building, they have control, they put everyone out. The good thing is they forgot about me, because I told them I had to take my stuff and I will go,” he said.
He said he was hoping to be able to make a broadcast later “because it’s for democracy”.
“We feel like we are Robin Hood… We are the voice of the people,” he said.
Another member of staff told the BBC that once officers entered, it was fairly peaceful. Twenty or so workers were led out but three refused to go and were arrested.
The state-run Athens News Agency reported that Panagiotis Kalfagiannis, a journalist and head of the ERT employees’ union, Pospert, was one of those held for public order offences.
ERT was Greece’s only TV broadcaster until the advent of private TV channels in 1989.
Despite several major overhauls to keep up with fierce private competition, a fall in ERT’s ratings in the mid-1990s triggered a long-running debate about its cost and efficiency.
In June, as Greece attempted to satisfy international creditors that it was fulfilling its debt restructuring and bailout commitments, the prime minister, Antonis Samaras, announced the closure of ERT.
He said the Greek exchequer could no longer afford to pay for a public broadcaster that cost 300 million euros ($406m; £252m) annually, and has refused to reinstate ERT unless it accepts a complete restructuring.
An interim TV station, called Public TV or DT, has been broadcasting in Greece since July while a restructured public broadcaster, called Nerit, is not expected to begin operating before 2014.
On Wednesday authorities in Valencia, a heavily indebted region of Spain, announced that the regional public broadcaster RTVV was being closed down to save money for other services including health and education.
Spanish unions have vowed to fight the closure.
ATHENS, Greece — In a pre-dawn swoop Thursday, Greek riot police ended a nearly five-month protest by sacked workers broadcasting from what was once the headquarters of the defunct ERT state broadcaster, removing a few dozen people occupying the complex.
Police said four people were briefly detained during the operation in the northern Athens suburb of Agia Paraskevi.
About 50 people were removed from the building, which will be handed over to ERT’s successor that is now broadcasting from cramped studios in another part of Athens.
Among the detainees was radio journalist Nikos Tsimbidas, who was broadcasting live as police entered the studio.
“Believe me, it’s a shocking experience to be on the mic with two platoons of riot police surrounding the live broadcasting booth,” he said on air. “We are being removed, I’ve just been informed that it appears orders have been given for me to stop talking.”
The evacuation was peaceful, although police later used tear gas to push back a crowd of about 200 who turned up outside the complex to support the former ERT workers.
The main opposition Syriza radical left coalition protested the “illegal” police operation, with several Syriza lawmakers joining protesters outside the building.
“The government … has created a black page in the history of state television and democracy in our country,” a party statement said.
Government spokesman Simos Kedikoglou said the evacuation was to “restore the rule of law.”
The complex had been occupied by the protesting ex-employees since June 11, when Greece’s conservative-led government abruptly closed ERT and fired all 2,700 staff, citing the need to cut costs due to the country’s severe financial crisis. They continued to produce unauthorized broadcasts online, including airing news reports and documentaries.
These ended Thursday, although regional former ERT branches were still broadcasting their own unauthorized programs.
“The broadcasting complex had been illegally occupied, and that resulted in daily financial losses for the Greek state,” Kedikoglou said. “The (police) intervention was carried out in the presence of a prosecutor.”
ERT’s abrupt closure triggered a political crisis that prompted a junior left-wing ally to walk out of the governing coalition, amid daily protests in Greece and international condemnation.
The former workers had turned down repeated government calls to leave the ERT headquarters so that full-scale state broadcasts can resume from the complex.
However, the bulk of ERT’s journalists and many other staff, despite initial vows to fight the broadcaster’s closure, were eventually rehired by DT, ERT’s successor.
Former ERT staff have called for a protest near the Agia Paraskevi building later Thursday.